The GOP did fine with Latino voters. But that wasn’t good enough.

Republicans spent the past two years trying to win over Latino voters. They poured money and manpower into on-the-ground outreach. They recruited Latino candidates. And they focused on economics while staying conservative on social issues – a strategy that Donald Trump used to woo millions of new Latino voters in the 2020 election.

According to exit polls, Republicans retained the progress they made in 2020 without increasing their margin. CONTINUED

David Byler, Washington Post


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Republicans Paid a Price for Overturning Roe. It May Have Been Worth It.

The Republicans’ under-performance in the midterm elections has been described a lot of different ways — a failure, a rebuke, a mistake, etc. — but rarely as a price. That is, however, exactly what happened.

Republicans took a hit at the polls because that’s the price to pay for a major policy gain, the one they got with the Dobbs decision earlier this year eliminating the national right to an abortion. …

The idea that overturning Roe would fuel a backlash shouldn’t have been a surprise; polls had shown that to be an unpopular position for decades. Even many anti-abortion activists were simply advocating for greater restrictions on abortion, not the complete bans that some states have enacted or are working toward. …

No, it wasn’t congressional Republicans who overturned Roe, but voters don’t often distinguish between different branches or levels of government when assigning credit or blame, and casting votes in a midterm election is one of the few opportunities they have to register dissent. Without Roe on the books, the future of abortion access in states across the country was also a live issue, giving voters another chance to weigh in and push back against a destabilizing policy shift. CONTINUED

Seth Masket (U. of Denver), Politico Magazine


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Crime, American Public Opinion and the Election

… Americans’ perceptions of crime are significantly affected by partisanship. Responses to many survey questions about crime vary, in some cases dramatically, based on underlying political identity. It’s probable that these differences reflect party positioning and political campaign strategies as much as they do sharp differences in what partisan groups actually experience in the world around them. …

With a Democratic president in the White House now, there is a yawning 34-percentage-point gap between Republicans and Democrats in their perceptions that U.S. crime is increasing (95% of Republicans say it is, compared with 61% of Democrats). And there is a 31-point partisan gap in respondents’ perceptions that crime is increasing in their local area (73% for Republicans, 42% for Democrats). These partisan gaps are the biggest Gallup has ever recorded. CONTINUED

Frank Newport, Gallup


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A Look to 2024

Majorities of Democrats and Republicans, including independents who lean toward these parties, do not think President Joe Biden or former President Donald Trump are their parties’ best hope at winning the Presidency in 2024. Voters who identify as Democrats divide about Biden’s viability atop the Democratic ticket but independents who lean toward the Democrats, a group that can vote in some state primaries, are much less enamored. A majority of both Republican identifiers and independents who lean Republican think another candidate other than Trump would give the GOP a better chance at winning. Additionally, Americans increasingly say they think an age limit on the Presidency is a good idea. CONTINUED

Marist Institute for Public Opinion


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Knowing the news: How Gen Z and Millennials get information on essential topics

If news organizations want to win over new audiences at a time of substantive transition in journalism, growing misinformation, and multiple crises in the world, we need to understand the news habits and interests of Americans 40 and younger. These Millennials and members of Generation Z will soon become the industry’s dominant generations of news consumers and subscribers. What news topics do they follow most often, and how do they get that coverage?

New in-depth analysis by the Media Insight Project, a collaboration of The Associated Press-NORC Center for Public Affairs Research and the American Press Institute, outlines how this group follows and interacts with information critical for both their personal lives and how we function collectively as a society. CONTINUED

American Press Institute & Associated Press-NORC Center for Public Affairs Research


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Some midterm polls were on-target – but finding which pollsters and poll aggregators to believe can be challenging

A prominent GOP poll said Democratic U.S. Sen. Maggie Hassan of New Hampshire would lose her re-election bid to a Republican. Hassan won by 9 percentage points. AP Photo/Charles Krupa
W. Joseph Campbell, American University School of Communication

Pollsters indulged in breezy self-congratulation in the aftermath of the 2022 midterm elections. Pre-election polls, they declared, did well overall in signaling outcomes of high-profile U.S. Senate and gubernatorial races.

In an allusion to polling’s stunning misfires of 2016 and 2020, Joshua Dyck, director of the opinion research center at UMass Lowell, asserted as the 2022 results became known: “The death of polling has been greatly exaggerated.”

Nate Silver, a prominent data journalist and election forecaster, took to Twitter to proclaim the 2022 midterms were “one of the most accurate years for polling ever.”

Yet, a sense of doubt lingered: While they did not repeat their failures in recent national elections, polls in 2022 were more spotty than spectacular in their accuracy, and performance assessments often depended on which poll was consulted. Or perhaps more precisely, on which polling aggregation site was consulted. Aggregators typically compile and analyze results reported by a variety of pollsters. They often adjust the composite data to emphasize findings of recently completed surveys or to minimize effects of unusual or “outlier” polls.

Misses, near and far

As compiled by the widely followed RealClearPolitics site, polls collectively missed the margins of victory by more than 4 percentage points in key 2022 Senate races in Arizona, Colorado, Florida, New Hampshire, Pennsylvania and Washington.

Differences between polling averages and outcomes were especially striking in Colorado, Florida, New Hampshire and Washington, where incumbents won easily. In gubernatorial races, deviations from polling averages of 4 percentage points or more figured in the outcomes in Arizona, Colorado, Florida, Michigan, Pennsylvania and Wisconsin.

Forecasts posted at Silver’s FiveThirtyEight.com diverged from outcomes somewhat less markedly than those of RealClearPolitics — but still anticipated closer Senate races than what transpired in Colorado, New Hampshire and Pennsylvania.

Expectations that Republicans would score sweeping victories no doubt were buoyed by the predictions of RealClearPolitics. It projected that the GOP stood to gain three Senate seats and control the upper house by 53 seats to 47 — an outcome that proved illusory.

While hedged, the final, so-called “Deluxe” forecast posted at Silver’s FiveThirtyEight.com and updated on Election Day did little to dampen expectations of a GOP wave. The forecast said Republicans had a 59% chance of winning control of the Senate.

“To be blunt,” Silver wrote, “59 percent is enough of an edge that if you offered to let me bet on Republicans at even money, I’d take it.”

Elections and polling controversies

To say that polling performance was spotty in 2022 is not to say that election surveys were all off-target.

Far from it.

The final Siena College/New York Times surveys, for example, accurately signaled the direction of Senate races in Arizona, Georgia and Pennsylvania.

Even so, as I noted in my book, “Lost in a Gallup: Polling Failure in U.S. Presidential Elections, “It is a rare election that does not produce polling controversies of some sort.” And that’s not so surprising, given that polls are conducted by a variety of public entities, some of which have partisan orientations.

This time, controversy swirled around Republican-leaning pollsters such as Trafalgar Group and the inclusion of those polls in averages compiled by RealClearPolitics. Incorporating such data, critics claimed, led RealClearPolitics to overstate Republican prospects. The senior elections analyst for RealClearPolitics, Sean Trende, disputed such an interpretation as a “theory that doesn’t work well.”

Trafalgar, which in 2021 had been rated A-minus for accuracy by FiveThirtyEight.com, saw its surveys conspicuously misfire in 2022. In New Hampshire’s U.S. Senate race, for example, Trafalgar’s final pre-election poll indicated that Republican Don Bolduc had taken a narrow lead. Bolduc lost to incumbent Maggie Hassan by 9 percentage points.

Trafalgar also estimated that Republican Tudor Dixon held a slim lead at campaign’s end over Gov. Gretchen Whitmer in Michigan. Whitmer won by 10.5 points.

Those were no small misses, and Trafalgar’s inaccuracies attracted criticism even from friendly sources. “They were not reliable indicators of what was to come,” wrote Scott Johnson at the Republican-oriented “Powerline” blog. Trafalgar did not respond to an email seeking comments about its 2022 polling performance.

Polling misses tended to be bipartisan, though. Data for Progress, a Democratic-leaning pollster graded as a “B” in 2021 by FiveThirtyEight, estimated closer Senate races than what transpired in Colorado and New Hampshire, and signaled the wrong winners in Arizona and Nevada.

Data for Progress nonetheless seemed eager to assert success for its polls, posting online what appeared to be an incomplete draft of a post-election news release that said it “outperformed the polling averages, and was more accurate than any other pollster” in the midterms. The draft contained several placeholders marked “xx,” indicating where data points were to be inserted.

Advertisement that says 'The Gallup Poll Sets a New Record for Election Accuracy!'
In 1940, Gallup crowed about the accuracy of its polling in an ad in the newspaper industry publication Editor & Publisher. Screenshot, Editor & Publisher, 11/9/1940

Pollsters not shy about congratulating selves

So, what can be taken away from polls of the 2022 midterms?

The outcomes confirmed anew that election polling is an uneven and high-risk pursuit, especially at a time when some pollsters are experimenting with new methodologies to reach would-be respondents while others are still relying on traditional, telephone-based techniques.

The 2022 outcomes also confirmed a self-congratulatory impulse that is never very distant for practitioners in a field that has known much error and disappointment.

Pollsters are not necessarily shy about boasting if their estimates are reasonably close to election results. This tendency has been apparent intermittently for more than 80 years, since George Gallup placed double-page ads in Editor & Publisher magazine in 1940 and 1944 to proclaim the accuracy of his polls in presidential elections those years.

The midterms also confirmed the news media’s insatiable appetite for poll results. Fresh polling data — much of it produced or commissioned by news outlets themselves — seemed inescapable during the closing days of the 2022 campaign. As they usually do in national elections, polls shaped expectations which, in some cases, faded as votes were counted.The Conversation


W. Joseph Campbell, Professor of Communication Studies, American University School of Communication

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.


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