The Post-Racial Republicans

… One of the core beliefs that binds the modern Republican coalition, particularly since the rise of Donald Trump, is rejection of the idea that racial minorities and women face structural bias in American society.

Studies of the 2016 and 2020 presidential elections conducted by the Tufts political scientist Brian Schaffner and his colleagues used the Cooperative Election Study, a large-scale national poll, to determine the factors that predicted which candidate voters supported in those races. Those studies found that in each contest, the single best predictor of who voted for Trump was the belief that systemic racism no longer exists in the U.S.; the second-best predictor was denial that systemic bias exists against women. …

As Trump more overtly identified the GOP with white racial resentments, Democrats have moved in the opposite direction. Since Obama’s presidency, polls show, the share of Democrats who say that Black Americans and other minorities face structural discrimination has dramatically increased. With more Democrats describing systemic racism as a problem, the gap between the two parties on racial questions has notably widened over roughly the past 15 years.

Other surveys document a further step in thinking among Republicans. Not only do a majority of Republican voters assert that structural barriers no longer constrain women or minorities; a majority also claim that core GOP constituencies are the real victims of bias. CONTINUED

Ronald Brownstein, The Atlantic


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How a Year Without Roe Shifted American Views on Abortion

… The New York Times reviewed polls from groups that have been asking Americans about abortion for decades, including Gallup, Public Religion Research Institute, Pew Research, Ipsos, KFF and other nonpartisan polling organizations. All pointed to the same general trends: growing public support for legalized abortion and dissatisfaction with new laws that restrict it. …

The biggest change in polls has been the swing in who votes on abortion. In the most recent example, Gallup found that in 2020 roughly 25 percent of Democrats and Republicans alike had said they would vote only for a candidate who shared their view on abortion. The share of Democrats saying this has jumped since the leak of the Dobbs decision, to 41 percent. Among Republicans the percentage was down slightly. CONTINUED

Kate Zernike, New York Times


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One year after Dobbs

It’s been about a year since the Supreme Court ruled on the Dobbs decision overturning Roe v. Wade and the federal right to abortion. In the aftermath, the gulf between states with access to abortion and without has widened, as many states moved to either restrict or fortify the right to abortion.

How have Americans felt about the chaos that has ensued? Of course, there’s a wide chasm between how Democrats and Republicans view the issue. But long story short: many are dissatisfied with how state lawmakers have handled abortion and want the fate of abortion in their state in the hands of voters. CONTINUED

Clifford Young, Sarah Feldman & Bernard Mendez, Ipsos


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61% of voters disapprove of Supreme Court decision overturning Roe

On the one-year anniversary of the U.S. Supreme Court overturning the landmark 1973 Roe v. Wade decision, 6-in-10 voters remain opposed to the court removing the national right to abortion, according to results from a new national NBC News poll.

That includes nearly 80% of female voters ages 18-49, two-thirds of suburban women, 60% of independents and even a third of Republican voters who say they disapprove.

And by more than a 2-to-1 margin, voters say abortion access across the country has become too difficult rather than too easy. CONTINUED

Mark Murray, NBC News


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The politics of abortion access a year after Dobbs decision overturned Roe vs. Wade

Democrats say they feel more frustrated and worried about the debate surrounding abortion, more so than do Republicans, and most Democrats want their party to be doing more to protect abortion access. Women and the more liberal wing of the party are particularly frustrated and want their party to be doing more. We’ve shown that many people and most Democrats say that abortion became more restricted over the last year than they’d expected. …

The abortion issue motivated Democrats in 2022, and while it’s early in the 2024 campaign, we see a similar pattern at least in their expressed intentions. Right now, more Democrats than Republicans say what they’ve seen over the past year regarding the issue of abortion makes them more likely to vote in the presidential election next year. CONTINUED

Jennifer De Pinto & Fred Backus, CBS News


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Why the 2024 GOP Primary Isn’t Like 2016

For a while now, political prognosticators and armchair campaign analysts have mused that the GOP presidential primary is almost a carbon copy of the 2016 contest. A crowded field of candidates, few of whom are willing to confront Trump directly, will once again ensure that Trump will roll-up primary wins and ultimately capture the nomination in 2024.

Yet it’s also true that things are very different from the 2016 cycle.

First, Trump is a lot more popular among Republicans and Republican-leaning independent voters than he was in 2015-2016. CONTINUED

Amy Walter, Cook Political Report with Amy Walter


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